Repression escalates in Zimbabwe

An unpopular truth

[Reprinted from Issues & Views May 5, 2003]

Isn't this the era in which we contemplate tyrants whose people might benefit from a "regime change?" One thinks of this when reading several commentaries by syndicated columnist Nat Hentoff, who reminds us of Zimbabwe's permanent President, Robert Mugabe.

In his articles on the tragic and unnecessary decline underway in that once prosperous country, Hentoff cites eye witness accounts of Mugabe's henchmen "liberating" farms owned by white farmers, with the pretense of turning them over to "landless peasants." What actually becomes of the land is a different story. In various accounts, from African media sources to foreign diplomats, government VIPs and members of Mugabe's inner circle are described as scrambling to grab choice properties from which experienced white farmers have been forcibly ejected. Keep in mind that word "experienced," as the country's food supply gradually disappears.

Hentoff describes a report compiled by a group called the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, which contains horror stories about Mugabe's abusive treatment of his political opponents and all others who question his authority or are deemed suspect, sometimes for seemingly arbitrary reasons. In the report's foreword, Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo tells of the people dying of hunger in his city, while unarmed civilian protesters are attacked in the streets by police and militia. Ncube himself has been assaulted by the police. He writes, "Writing a report such as this one by the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition carries great risks. Those risks must be borne by us all if we are to find a more peaceful path into the future."

Archbishop Desmond Tutu also adds his words to the report: "The hard facts on the ground in Zimbabwe, so well compiled in this report, suggest an alarming array of policies and practices that may be leading the country to a catastrophic future. . . . The ongoing political violence . . . must be brought to an end. The threatening famine, caused in part by government lands policy, will make things even worse."

It has become well known that, in the midst of a growing famine, Mugabe denies food to citizens who voted against him. Hentoff quotes Andrew Natsios, administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, as saying, "We now have confirmed reports in a number of areas in the most severely affected region of this country, which is the south, that food is being distributed to people who are members of Mugabe's political party and not being distributed based on need."

It appears that the situation will get a lot worse in Zimbabwe. The following section from a law handed down by the government is a sign of the times and indicates what's in store for those who dare oppose the questionably elected Mugabe. We Americans used to laugh at the crudeness of foreign edicts, such as this one. But as our own Bill of Rights enters its sunset phase, we might have less desire these days to chortle. With its prohibitions against the "engendering" of "feelings of hostility," or that which might cause "hatred, contempt, or ridicule," and the implication that truth does not matter, this law reads very much like some of the new repressive legislation recently adopted in several Western countries designed to shield "protected" ethnic groups (Canada, England, Germany). Which suggests the direction in which much of the West is headed. Here is a description by the Coalition of a part of Zimbabwe's "Public Order Security Act," which was passed last year:

The Act makes it an offense to make a public statement with the intention to, or knowing there is a risk of, "undermining the authority of or insulting" the President. This prohibition includes statements likely to engender "feelings of hostility towards" the President," cause "hatred, contempt or ridicule" of the President, or any "abusive, indecent, obscene or false statements" about him personally or his office. The use of the word "or" here indicates that even true statements are considered criminal.

Hentoff wants to know why, in this country, there are only whispers about the abuses going on in Zimbabwe. Where, he asks, are those who took up the cause of rape and slavery in Sudan--the editorial writers, the civil rights groups, the women's rights groups, and "such trombones of the people as Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton?" Where is the Congressional Black Caucus and all those white human rights champions? Of course, we all know where they are--safely avoiding any appearance of criticizing a "black leader," for all the familiar, expedient reasons.

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