School choice: Milwaukee's successful battle
Fighting the good fight
[Reprinted from Issues & Views June 3, 2002]
Two years ago, with the publication of Mikel Holt's book, Not Yet "Free At Last": The unfinished business of the civil rights movement, a detailed account of Milwaukee's fierce battles to bring parental choice to education was at last available. Holt, who is editor and associate publisher of the city's black newspaper, the Milwaukee Community Journal, was not only a reporter of events but was intensely involved as a parent of public school children. His book chronicles the outright war waged by the NAACP, the ACLU, People for the American Way, and teachers unions against black parents and their legal representatives. In addition to his candid, behind-the-scenes descriptions of the school choice war, Holt offers an historical look at various black political factions and the ideals, or the perfidy, that drove them by the 1990's.
Always a diplomat, Holt writes of the school choice battles without rancor and, indeed, his newspaper today continues to give fair coverage to those who opposed his efforts, including his most vociferous opponent, the Milwaukee branch of the NAACP. Following is a brief outline of Milwaukee's struggle for school choice.
Attempts to give poor parents the opportunity to choose their children's schools began in 1970, when a group of parents formed the Milwaukee Federation of Independent Community Schools, to lobby the state to provide vouchers for low-income students. The NAACP immediately went on record opposing the organization and its goals.
In the 1980s, Governor Tommy Thompson proposed a voucher program in his state budget, a proposal that died in committee. With the help of State Rep. Polly Williams (a black woman who entered politics primarily to fight for school choice), Thompson designed a second bill, which was officially introduced to the state legislature. Polled parents and community activists overwhelmingly endorsed the bill.
July 1989: The Democratic-controlled Assembly kills the bill.
Aug. through Nov. 1989: Williams hosts a series of community meetings to gauge support for school choice and to develop strategies for future Assembly bills.
Feb. 1990: More political leaders join in support of school choice, including State Senator Gary George. Jared Johnson, head of the Milwaukee School Board, also endorses a new proposed parental choice bill. Lawmakers are bombarded with support for Rep. Williams' choice proposals.
March 1990: The Wisconsin Assembly passes the Parental Choice Initiative, which would allow up to 1,000 low-income children to attend private schools in Milwaukee. The bill now goes to the State Senate.
April 1990: Pressure begins to mount from the state teachers union to kill the bill.
May 1990: The Senate approves the bill.
June 1990: A coalition composed of the Milwaukee Chapter of the NAACP, the Wisconsin Education Association (state's largest teachers union), and the Administrators and Supervisors Council file suit before the State Supreme Court to enjoin or stop the school initiative. The Landmark Legal Foundation, a public advocacy law firm, represents the parents in the case. The State Supreme Court rejects the injunction request, but the opposition gears up in determination to further undermine the choice plan. They come up with a scheme to force the private schools to sign certain regulatory requirements, which would actually put these schools under the authority of public school officials. The attempt fails.
June 1990 through Feb. 1992: While 341 low-income children begin to attend private schools, the political haranguing, led by the NAACP and teachers unions, continues year in and year out.
March 1992: In a 4-3 vote, the State Senate sustains the constitutionality of the parental choice program.
June 1995: The Wisconsin legislature passes a bill to expand the choice program to include religious schools. Up to 15,000 low-income families will now be eligible to send their children to any participating school in Milwaukee.
Aug. 1995: The American Civil Liberties Union files suit for an injunction against the expansion of the school choice program. At a press conference, officials of the NAACP announce their continued opposition to school choice. The State Supreme Court hands down an injunction prohibiting funds to be used for students attending religious schools, affecting about 3,300 student applicants. Through fundraising efforts, over $350,000 is raised to pay tuition for these students.
Oct. 1997: The State Supreme Court agrees to review two lower court rulings against the expanded religious school choice program.
June 1998: The State Supreme Court affirms the constitutionality of the program.
Nov. 1998: By refusing to review the case, the U.S. Supreme Court affirms the constitutionality of the entire school choice program.
Dec. 1998: Competing rallies are held by proponents and opponents. Hundreds of representatives of the teachers unions, the NAACP, and People for the American Way rally to blast school choice, while hundreds of parents, children and community supporters hold rallies to praise the initiative. The headline speaker at the PFAW rally is Congressman Jesse Jackson, Jr., who denounces school choice.
Feb.-April 1999: Coalitions of organizations descend on Milwaukee, in order to influence school board elections. The teachers unions, the NAACP, People for the American Way orchestrate a half-million dollar advertising campaign to elect board members who oppose school choice, as well as other major reform proposals. In spite of their efforts, all five candidates supported by the opposition are defeated at the polls. Proponents of school choice now control the Milwaukee school board.
In a section of the book entitled, "The School Choice Army," Mikel Holt writes:
Those who enlisted in [Rep. Polly] Williams's school choice army shared an unquenchable thirst for educational reform and Black empowerment. We shared a vision of children reaching their full potential in environments where teachers cared, shared, nurtured, and groomed.
We found ourselves targets of the unions, Democratic Party leaders, and Black (mis)leaders, their attacks intensifying as support for school choice grew in the African-American community. And that support did grow--from 60 percent in 1989 to nearly 80 percent by the time the religious school legislation was signed into law in 1997, according to many research groups including the Black Research Organization, the Wisconsin Policy Institute, and the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel marketing department. Choice parents were called misguided pawns of the Right and we, the officers in Polly's Parental Choice Platoon, were treated as if we had committed a crime. Well, maybe we had.
Our crime is that we care. Our crime is that we believe all parents should have the right to avail themselves of educational options they feel are right for their children. Our crime is putting our people before political parties and job security. Our crime is our refusal to accept the status quo, our desire for something better for our children and our community. Our crime is being willing to do whatever is necessary to move our nation forward.
Not Yet "Free At Last": The unfinished business of the civil rights movement, by Mikel Holt, published by the Institute for Contemporary Studies can be purchased from the Institute, bookstores, and also from Amazon.com; ICS, 1611 Telegraph Ave., Latham Square, Oakland, CA 94612;
(800) 326-0263.
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